Islamophobia and Its Portrayal in Media and Politics

López studied a study on the elucidation of Islamophobia and its approximations of the early twentieth century in 2011. Lopez took references from Dinet and Ibrahim’s approach to come up with a conclusion that Islamophobia was recognised as early as the end of the 19th century. This definition could clarify the present discussion on the significance of the word. Another research that conducted for the further explanation of Islamophobia was conducted by Vakil. The research was carried out in 2009, analysing the different political contexts underlying Islamophobia in Britain and abroad. The study finds that the notion of Islamophobia in Europe is politically powerful for organising and reinforcing Islamic subjectivities.

To further explain Islamophobia and its relationship with radicalisation, Abbas conducted a research in 2012. This study provides a multi-faceted and holistic sociological structure to help discuss Islamic political extremism in the historical and sociological factors and examine a range of factors that could contribute to determining the extremist dynamics of this group. The research uses case studies as a means to collect data and is based in Britain. In 2015, Pratt conducted a research project to further explain Islamophobia as a reactive co-radicalisation using two European cases of extreme reaction. The conclusion was that an increase in extremist behaviour, including violence, is found in neighbourhoods opposite to, in varying degrees of fear of, Islamic extremism, if not Islam and even Muslims. Another research that takes its data from the tragedies is the 2014 research conducted by Perry. The study focuses on Gendered Islamophobia. It is also documented that Muslim women become vulnerable to violence in unique ways because of the intersection spaces that they occupy. For these women, the dynamics and consequences of Islamophobic violence against them is different from that faced by Muslim men ; yet their sexual violence differs from that suffered by women of different races.

In 2010, Semati researched a study which focused on the political and cultural authority of Muslims after the Cold War. Semati also believes that in dealing with differentialist racism, Islamophobia represents an ideological reaction that brings Middle East history, politics, societies and cultures into one unified and negative conception of an essential Islam, which is then considered to be inconsistent with Euro- Americanness. Hence, in combination with deepening islamophobia, the brown category, once known as exotic Other, undergoes a conversion, an identity strategy, as a alterity to Euro-Americanism, and as terror and threat. In 2013, a research by Taras used surveys to study the topic Islamophobia with context to race, religion, and culture. During the study, the data from the attitudes seen towards Muslims confirm that political discourse rarely makes distinctions and can further the racialization of cultural and religious qualities of non-Europeans by essentialistic means. The results of this study reveal that religions are separated from the heritage from which these outlooks are incorporated.

Meer in 2013 gave a research to further explain the relation between race and culture. He also studied the differences in the studies of prejudice against Jews and Islamophobia. This report is based on the viable lack of conventional fiction on race and racial discrimination while referring about islamophobia. The investigation takes as a source of data collections the experiences of racism felt by Jews and Muslims. It concludes that minority racialization is still unrelated to other minorities. Fakhry in 2009 conducted a research on the impact of Islamophobia on the muslims in the west. This research of his stems from the fear of the race and religions of Muslims principally after the attacks of 9/11 and 7/7. Fakhry studied these issues by means of a case study of a young man who visited Afghanistan in the 1990s. In the end fundamentalism is inscribed as the problem heart of Islam, making the efforts of the adolescents to reconcile with the inner legacy of daily Islamophobia even more difficult.

In 2012, Cifti conducted an investigation into the western anti-Muslim sentiment. Three theories are tested using the Pew Global Attitudes Surveys data: perceived threats, social identity, and cognitive abilities. For the empirical analysis of individual levels of data in the US, Great Britain, France, Germany and Spain, a series of legitimate estimates are used. Results show that the major source of Islamic attitudes is considered to be realistic and symbolic. The Western citizens, when they are afraid of their physical and cultural existence, are more likely to associate Muslims with terrorism. Another research that focuses on the effects of islamophobia faced by Muslims in West was conducted. The research was conducted by Love in 2009 on Middle Eastern Americans. This leads to a debate on anti-Islamophobia civil rights activism in the context of organizational reactions to the racial discrimination in the US. The analysis reveals that it is unclear whether different and historically divergent communities in the Middle East will continue to be divided into national, religious, cultural and class lines.

In the course of his 2012 research, Nadal focused also on the micro-assaults against Muslim Americans. The research was carried out on 10 Muslim American participants using a qualitative approach to concentrate on micro-aggressions on people from minority religions. In 2016, another research that focused on the islamophobia in america was conducted by Samari. The recent increase in Islamophobia demands a view on health, taking into account the stigma of Muslim Americans and the health consequences of the discrimination steaming from Islamophobia. In summary, Islamophobia can adversely affect the health of many systems — individual, interpersonal, and structural.

In 2013, Amer also researched Muslim Americans. This group's tremendous pressure including tracking, hate crimes and institutional discrimination encourages psychologists to better understand their well-being. This paper describes the challenges of carrying out research with Muslim Americans in recommending culturally appropriate approaches which can enhance future research development. Also Hafer researched Islamophobia in 2014 with an emphasis on Europe. The transition from anti-Semitismto Islamophobia goes beyond EU borders and allows the extreme right of Europe to connect with Israel's and the U. S. far-right parties. Hafer's article investigates this thesis by examining the European Freedom Alliance, which through a common anti-Muslim program, has brought together various formerly antagonistic parties.

Schiffer too in 2011 conducted a research regarding Islamophobia which focuses on Germany. The authors argue that comparing Islamophobia with antisemitism should not be equated with Islamophobia. But it may help German society to find some parallels in fighting a growing dangerous anti-Muslim racism. In 2011, Zemni conducted another research focusing on Islamophobia in Europe. The research examined how Islam was regarded by politicians and commentators in the media as a political problem in Belgium and how Muslim people became a threat because of that. In conclusion, Islam, as a foreign threat to distinct European norms and societies, especially when coupled with a highly specious and reductionist representation of Islam in European public living have standardised Islamophobic attitudes together.

In 2012, Baggily undertook a study focusing on Islamophobia derived from the London 7/7 bombing. The research analyzes qualitative interviews in areas where the London bombers lived in Western Yorkshire with Muslims and non-Muslims with a range of ethnic contexts. The research experiments popular comprehension about the perspectives of non-Muslims and Muslims. The research indicates how securitisation and systematic disenfranchisement processes interact with Islamophobic discourses and classifications, as well as the perceptions of West Yorkshire Muslims following the attacks.

Another research that focused on British Muslims was conducted by Moosavi in 2015. This report helps us to understand why Many Muslim immigrants in England are facing Islamophobia. The essay attempts also to explain how Muslims can be so worried over Islamophobia when they themselves have never encountered Islamophobia. This article suggests that Islamophobia may be difficult to detect because it often expresses itself inconspicuously, rather than because Muslims are suspicious and because Islamophobia is a misconception, as some have stated.

Allen performed a study in 2011, which centered on the interpretation of English Defense League. The English Defense League (EDL), which was initially denounced and subsequently criticized as a violent and Islamophobic far-right group, was also seen as a means of understanding the atmosphere of growing violence towards the Muslims. Allen comes to the conclusion that the EDL's tweets are indeed Islamophobic— recognizing Islamophobia as an agenda— in that they establish a form of order which explicitly separates Islam from the Other.

Alam and Husband studied the rise of Islamophobia in Britain in 2013. The creation of' home-grown terrorists' prompted the State to sustain its sense of risk of militant attacks that fuelled and securitised urban life, thus fostering a political climate characterized by the essentially permanent state of crisis. Such exceptional circumstances have caused the traditionally sacrosanct standards of human rights and freedoms to be suspended. The empirical evidence behind this paper supports the perception that these strategies in effect are mutually contradictory and that the implementation of social cohesion measures by the surveillance rationale triggered a breakdown
In 2012, Zaal explored the social and political dynamics that invaded and exacerbated our schools after the 9/11 bombing. Vilified Islamic portrayals have traditionally legitimized racist behavior against Muslim Americans. Zaal underlined the value of a vital pedagogical role to fight racism and to demystify prejudices toward Muslim students in America.

The research, integrating social network analysis with critical discourse analysis, reveals that islamophobic blogs constitute a diverse network of access to different political and geopolitical backgrounds. Ekman demonstrates that the Web has helped facilitate an environment in which racist attitudes against Muslims are quickly disseminated in public debate and hostility towards European Muslims. Through portraying discriminatory views as preservation of the western values and freedom of speech, they establish an almost mainstream political role. The study also shows that xenophobic trends inside mass media perpetuate the Islamophobic discourse.
The findings of the most current data that show a spike of digital anti-Moslem violence suggest a significant need to address the issue of Islamophobia in social media. The survey also analyzed 100 separate Facebook pages, tweets and commentaries as well as 494 incidents of online hate speech targeted to Muslim communities. Of 2016, alan completed a qualitative analysis of the Facebook walls of racism. The results showed a number of interesting similarities and shared features among these communities that helped to establish a typeology of 5 anti-Muslim hate characteristics on Facebook. In particular, this study found Islamics demonized and vilified in online by negative attitudes, racism, prejudices, intimidation and online harassment.

In his 2014 work on twitter Islamophobia, Awan suggests that digital Islamophobia should be given an equal consideration to Islamophobia on the road. This analyses a maximum of 500 tweets from 100 separate Twitter users to learn about Muslims how offenders were perceived and punished through the Twitter search engine.
To help with the measurement and further understanding of the notion of Islamophobia Bleich in 2011 conducted a research that helps in theorising and measuring of the concept. The paper uses research found through academic and governmental discussions into the formulation, prejudice and similar status hierarchies to present a useful definition of Islamophobia in the social science in terms of indiscriminate adverse attitudes or feelings towards the Islamic or Muslim community. T

o further interpret Islamophobia, Garner in 2015 gave his research that uses racialisation as an interpretation tool for understanding Islamophobia. Through empirical research, problem unlocks the procedures of racialisation of Muslims and the increase of Islamophobia in Europe and the United States. Research studies include cases of middle class Muslims, white British converts to Islam, young British-Pakistani working class males, policies in Ireland, and building Muslim identities by commenting on the internet about television reality show. In addition to defining certain national problems, each case research also shows the intersection of racialisation with class and sex.

Iqbal in his 2010 study conducted a research that helped conceptualise and measure Islamophobia. This paper aims at exploring the negative sentiments that historically exit between Muslims and non-Muslims, and attempts to figure out the present state of hostility towards Muslims/Islam. This paper is exploratory in nature, and attempts to test an instrument for measuring Islamophobia in the epistemological spheres by finding its nexus with media and other social antecedents.

Thompson conducted a research that focused on establishing an islamophobia scale. The research finds that evidences of Islamophobia have been recorded in several polls, however, in the scientific literature no pay chometric study exists. This research portrays the evolution and psychometric characteristics of the Islamophobia Scale, which measures the behavioral and affective-behavioural aspects of fear-related behavior towards Islamist and Muslim religions. In conclusion, it is seen that Islamophobia is measured, resulting in acceptable psychometric characteristics of reliability and validity.