Germany’s Power in the European Union

It is well known throughout Europe as well as the rest of the globe that the European Union is a collective entity of nation states that work together to govern peacefully. Though the European continent has countries that are geographically close to each other, many of them are quite different. The same can also be said regarding activity within the EU, with some countries being more involved in certain aspects of international affairs. Even putting aside various opinions regarding whether the power possessed by Germany is too much or not, Germany’s presence within the EU is no doubt a widely discussed topic. This has been the case for a long time, but perhaps more so within the last decade. Europe is in the midst of an unprecedented time for the EU, for reasons that certainly contribute to Germany’s current position.

In the post-war era, Germany successfully emerged as notable force in the EU. Germany made great efforts to help with the creation of the European Central Bank immediately following the Cold War, which played in their favour while trying to put the past behind. Chancellor Helmut Kohl was a key figure in the EU and had a firm desire to promote integration (McCormick & Olsen, 2014). German nationalism ended up sky-rocketing through the 1990s, though Kohl still tried to gain more elitist approval. Some believed Germany was becoming too integrated and losing their own national identity (Paterson, 2011). It reminded some Germans all too well of the nationalistic approach that fuelled the second world war. Overall, however, this had paid off despite difficulties Kohl faced that further set many elitists against him, including issues like the low employment rate Germany faced in the 1990s. Still, Kohl’s roller-coaster of a legacy as chancellor was one that was productive both domestically and internationally (Kundani, 2015).

Kohl sought enlargement in Europe to promote better economic relations. The Czech Republic, Poland, and Hungary were ideal due to proximity to Germany and to strengthen their own national stability. This was a controversial decision that was questioned by many western members like Greece, who believed Germany could influence elections in the less-powerful nations. This idea, however, was mere scepticism that failed to mention Germany’s interest in benefiting all three nations and the EU altogether (Bache et al. , 2015). Kohl’s vision of integration and his above actions demonstrate the post-war Germany. Germany shifted towards soft power to rise in status within the EU and prove once and for all that this was a new era by using words rather than war. “It pursued national interests, deepening integration, preventing nuclear proliferation, and enforced international human rights standards” (Paterson, 2008).

Kohl’s successor Gerhard Schröder also tried to keep the approach going, appeasing nationalists in issues like economics, though his anti-war stance to the invasion of Iraq was not favoured by the German people. His ultimate fallacy, however, was overestimating Germany’s relationship with France. France held the same view of the war, though other EU members like the United Kingdom did not, leaving Schröder in a tight spot in dealings with foreign relations, unlike Kohl after the Cold War. This shifted the tides back to a German-centred focus for a time (Paterson, 2011). The year of his election emphasised the economic dominance of Germany with the establishment of the European Central Bank. Germany also housed the headquarters. Though the planning was done before he took office, it guaranteed that they kept a powerful presence within the EU. Since the bank was modelled after the German banking system, this move instilled the policy into the rest of the eurozone (McCormick & Olsen, 2014).

Once Schröder left office, Angela Merkel took full command, which made it clearer than ever that the new post-war Germany was here to stay, though not entirely in the same way as Kohl or Schröder had led. Merkel built up a strong foreign relations team her first time around which benefited her, especially with seeing the Lisbon Treaty through to success. Merkel had enjoyed strong economic success in the past until the eurozone crisis. One thing making Merkel unique is her lack of a specific goal, such as further integration. (Paterson, 2011). It is also worth noting that at times, Germany has strongly favoured strengthening relations with nations outside the EU, which could be frowned upon. “In the past, the German agreed to the notion of a Palestinian state, take part in the bombing of Kosovo, and to lead the EUFOR RD Congo” (Gegout, 2008).

To some this could be a surprise, though it is believed Germany has felt a need to devote more time to foreign affairs in the EU due to their actions in both world wars and the Cold War as a method of apology. With Merkel especially, such apologetic behaviour has seemingly diminished. Europe has seen other leaders with less-caring attitudes about how involved with the EU they are, as well (Barysch, 2010). Germany’s post-war attitude in this area is still debated among other nations, though their efforts are applauded by many and acknowledged adequately in foreign policy (Bulmer, 2018). Germany’s so-called “freedom” to shift back to nationalism can be demonstrated not just by their power, but by the kind of power they display towards the EU.

Over the last three decades, Germany has fluctuated in the use of power. Post-war era Germany began using soft power as their means of achieving foreign policy goals within the EU. As demonstrated several paragraphs above, their emphasised anti-war stances helped their reputation internationally, as did this shift. Though soft power is still power, this is further evidence that Germany’s power was not immoral or reaching an inappropriate level that prevented other nations from leading. The power shift is wrongfully characterised as a power increase (Paterson, 2008). Members such as France, Russia, Italy, and Belgium continued strives to improve economic and agricultural success which benefited them greatly, all while Merkel’s opposition to centralism grew. Nationalism began growing in other nations before Merkel’s time in office ever since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, though when elected, many politicians had great faith in her power. Merkel has displayed a strong desire towards a better European constitution and other pressing issues like debt, global warming, terrorism, and so on. This has been no “saviour complex”, but demonstrates that Merkel has essentially gained power without even trying. Merkel has moved forward even when optimism was low as issues remain unresolved (Watts, 2008).

How has Merkel gained such trust from other members in the EU? This same initiative and her communication skills with other nations. She has also appointed leaders to certain positions to help find solutions to things like fixing budgets after distributing bailouts and understands the preferences of smaller members (Barysch, 2010). After dealing with strong economic hardship, many smaller nations have had a much lower level of faith within the EU today than in recent decades. Nations like Greece, Luxembourg, and Portugal have negative ratings compared to the 1990s (though this does not mean they are completely uninterested or uninvolved). Germany, on the other hand, is much more neutral and demonstrates wanting to improve and take a strong stance in making it happen (Cini & Borragán, 2013). Merkel certainly rose to the occasion with the use of smart power instead of soft power. Her willingness to play the messenger during the eurozone crisis was praised (Barysch, 2010).

When Greece needed a serious bailout from the EU, many countries believed that it was unfair to lend help given their own economic circumstances. “Austria, Finland, and the Netherlands wanted tough conditions for Greece, and they let Merkel do their bidding” (Barysch, 2010). Merkel took over the reins and showed off her normalized/smart power. The other nations wanted Merkel’s help, showing that Germany’s power is often desired within the EU. It is not one of force, but of generosity and willingness (Bulmer & Paterson, 2010). Germany is also only one member with notable power – in fact, the Franco-German alliance is imperative to their relationship with the EU. This is not a relationship that has been strong in recent years, though Merkel maintains the relationship despite frequently differing views on issues like finances. Both economies will play a major role in the future of the EU (Barysch, 2010).

Why is this more significant now than ever before? It can be answered in one word: Brexit. The United Kingdom’s unprecedented decision to leave the EU after a recent vote has meant that even more power will shift to other nations, primarily France and Germany. More responsibilities will shift to Germany thanks to their ideal economy as well as Merkel’s involvement in the recession with Greece. This means Germany will be have to foot more of the bill in times of need, meaning this could change. France will do the same, but the post-Brexit era will provide more opportunity for unification among EU members and “save” the Franco-German alliance. It is likely power will increase for Merkel, though it is uncertain how she will respond and how the other members in the EU will react to Brexit. Given how Germany has performed in the past, there is also potential that they will be reluctant about more power (Bulmer, 2018).

Through this evidence, it is obvious Germany doesn’t have too much power in the EU. Germany has successfully distanced itself from the past after the Cold War, earning the current power level by reunification in the EU, lending a helping hand during the eurozone crisis, and a strong voice. Merkel’s shift to nationalism signalled the end of Germany’s apologetic behaviour towards the EU for war crimes. By this decision, Germany’s presence in the EU has been lessened by focusing on national issues rather than becoming more power on foreign ground. The power type also changed – though misinterpreted by other countries as becoming more powerful in this new era, Germany has simply gained a reputation for being smarted rather than forceful. However, the post-Brexit EU has many possibilities.