The Ethnography of the Akha People: Understanding Their Cultural Specificities

Among the cool misty mountains of Northern Thailand, a wooden gate adorned with elaborate wooden carvings stands stoically before the entrance to an Akha village. The spirit gate, known as “lawkha”, marks the boundary between the village and the mysterious world of ghosts and spirits. Within the village are houses of bamboo and dried grass; beyond the gate lies the wilderness and all the fear, awe, and reverence it demands. However, modernity has introduced new complexities to these humble hillside villages. Past columns of towering smoke and a horizon punctuated with palm trees, one can faintly see the distinct silhouette of a Christian cross. Christianity has a tangible presence in the Akha villages of Southeast Asia, along with the other hill tribe villages of this region. The symbolic division between the indigenous and the foreign that the spirit gate so profoundly marks is becoming curiously indistinct. Within this past century, this juxtaposition is becoming ever more prominent.

The Akha are a Tibeto-Burman speaking hill tribe who reside in small villages scattered throughout several Southeast Asian nations. They represent an ethnic minority in China, Myanmar, Laos, Vietnam, and Thailand. Particularly in Northern Thailand, the Akha have been facing a variety of social, economic, and political issues. Rapid societal changes are heavily impacting Akha culture and threatening the practice of their indigenous traditions. In the middle of the 20th century, Christian missionaries first arrived in Akha communities and began their work spreading the Christian message (Kammerer 321). The impact of this encounter is increasingly evident in modern Akha villages, as Christianity is being accepted in greater numbers. While parallels can be drawn with other instances of Christian proselytization, the distinct Akha culture and beliefs have created a situation that demands scholarly attention.

Before proceeding to discuss the specific situation of the Akha, it is worthwhile to consider the relevance of missionary work and religious conversion in general. As Western culture and ideology is impacting an ever-increasing sphere of influence around the globe, it is vital to examine and understand the consequences of this tendency. Christian missionaries perhaps embody the most iconic catalysts for this sort of cultural change. However, the introduction of Western Christianity into a foreign minority culture brings about an incredibly complex interplay of social, political, cultural, and economic factors. Religious proselytization is often depicted as a form of cultural imperialism, a “forced social change bringing about the destruction of [indigenous] culture” (The Black Hand). Perhaps this critical depiction of missionary religion does not take into account instances in which indigenous groups have been enriched as a result of work done by missionaries. For example, Christian missionaries were largely responsible for devising a Romanized Hmong writing system and dramatically increasing literacy rates among the Hmong people (Kammerer customs 282). Needless to say, countless arguments exist both in support and opposition to the impact of missionization on foreign cultures.

In order to reasonably evaluate the ethics of religious proselytization, it is essential to analyze the specific impacts it has upon a culture. The Akha encounter with Christianity must be understood both from an emic and etic perspective- that is, from the viewpoint of the Akha themselves as well as from the interpretations of scientists and anthropologists. Both of these approaches are meaningful in order to construct a less biased view of Akha culture. It must be emphasized that the objective of this work is not to evaluate the ethicality of Christian missions among the Akha, but rather to describe the impacts that Christianity has had for the Akha people. Conversion to Christianity is more complex than adopting a new set of rituals and beliefs; religious affiliation largely constructs an individuals’ concept of identity and selfhood. Thus, the dynamics between ‘Akha’ and ‘Christian’ identity will be explored, along with any tension that these designations might ensue.

The Akha reaction to Christian conversion has as much to do with the Akha traditional religion as it does Christianity. Like every culture, the Akha have their own unique approach to categorizing the world; imbedded in their language are distinct cultural forms and classifications. According to ethnologist Cornelia Ann Kammerer, the Akha term zah is likely the closest equivalent word to ‘religion’ in the Akha language (279). Zah can be variously described as “religion, way of life, customs, ceremonies; traditions handed down from the father; way of doing things; proper daily behavior; ritual procedures” (280). There is indeed a vast and complex array of meticulous and demanding rules that designate what actions are appropriate and inappropriate in Akha society.

Kammerer mentions a traditional folktale that gives further insight into the Akha conception of zah:

According to Akha mythic history, long ago people of every kind-Shan, Thai, Chinese, Lahu, and Akha themselves-were given zah by the creator . . . Everyone except the Akha man went to the creator's dwelling carrying a loosely woven basket. Only the Akha man went to fetch zah carrying a tightly woven sack. As those carrying loosely woven baskets were returning home, their newly received zah fell out through the holes; but the Akha walked home without losing a single piece. For Akha, this story explains why their zah is so vast and demanding as compared to that of others: as Akha say, "Akha zah is numerous" and "Akha zah is difficult." (280)

This myth exemplifies a sort of cultural relativism that is prominent among the Akha people. While adhering to there own customs and norms provides them with a sense of meaning and identity, it is similarly proper for non-Akha cultures to follow the traditions that were given to them. Both Akha zah and Christianity share a quality of exclusiveness; in the words of Kammerer, “one should be either this or that” (282). This differs from other groups such as the Karen, who tend not to associate ethnic identity with a specific religion (Hayami 334). Because Akha zah is central to their self-identity, substituting it with Christianity could easily be interpreted as a loss of affiliation with Akha culture.

As Akha identity is largely defined by adhering to Akha zah – the distinct customs, traditions, and rituals of the Akha people, it is significant indeed to consider why a number of Akha have abandoned this tradition in favor of Christianity. Kammerer argues that the motivation for religious conversion primarily falls into two categories: lack of knowledge regarding zah, or lack of financial resources to satisfy its ritual requirements (283). Both outsiders and the Akha themselves acknowledge the fact that their traditions are meticulous and demanding. The number of rituals and ceremonies that have precise material requirements render them expensive and impractical for many communities, particularly those with limited financial means. The lack of knowledge about Akha zah could partly be attributed to the influence of the dominant Thai culture. For the Akha to participate in Thai society, formal Thai education is a more valuable asset than knowledge of Akha rituals and traditions. In the words of Kammerer, “Knowledge of the Thai language and Thai ways, rather than knowledge of zah, can lead to new economic opportunities” (284). It is not surprising that some Akha abandon their traditional religion in favor of Christianity, considering their cultural relativism and emphasis on observing some sort of customs. Following zah is essential to forming identity according to the Akha perspective; thus, replacing their zah with Christianity is far preferable to having no zah at all. As the struggle with economic marginalization increasingly impacts the Akha people, their capacity to uphold their complex and demanding traditions is becoming more and more threatened. Therefore, the motivation to adopt an alternate religion is often financial rather than cultural.

Given that religious conversion is a reality among the Akha people, one must examine its implications. Some central questions to explore include: How do the Akha relate to their identity as Christians? Are Christian and Akha identities compatible? How do Akha Christians view followers of Akha traditional religion? As adherence to cultural traditions or zah is one of the primary values for the Akha, their reaction to Christian proselytization can in fact reveal much about their own beliefs and ideologies. The potential consequences of religious conversion vary widely; it can act as agent of both unification and division.

While Akha converts may hold Christianity as their primary identity, religious conversion does not necessarily entail dissociation with Akha culture. Although cultural and religious practices vary drastically between traditionalists and Christians, Akha Christians “speak the Akha language, wear Akha clothes, and retain their Akha patrilineal affiliation” (Kammerer 285). Ethnic identity is an incredibly dynamic and fluid phenomenon that can encompass many different aspects of individuals. Because the Akha recognize the diversity among different social customs, one speculation is that Christian traditions will eventually by absorbed by the Akha and recognized as simply another variation of Akha zah. The Akha do recognize Christianity or “Jesus zah” as a legitimate system of traditional rules that is appropriate for Christians to practice and abide by (Kammerer 281-286).

One function of ethnic identity is to distinguish social groups from one another. It is evident that the boundaries of identity are flexible and often indistinct; religious conversion demonstrates this profound degree of variability. Scholar of Asian Studies Roland Platz asserts that “Religious identity may outweigh ethnic identity, and the boundaries of ethnic identity become less clear when a universal religion is the unifying factor” (481). He argues that the adoption of a world religion can provide access to larger community networks. Christianity in particular could also serve to differentiate hill tribe peoples from the majority Buddhist Thai, clarifying the ethnic boundaries between groups. In his own words “Defining oneself as Christian means being more or less in opposition to Buddhist Thai society” (488). Christianity can thus be used as a tool to assert a “non-Thai” identity while simultaneously facilitating participation in larger social institutions. Affiliation with Akha churches not only supports a sense of community involvement but also provides accesses to financial, administrative, and social resources.

The Akha understanding of Christianity is unique to the Akha people and profoundly conditioned by their indigenous worldview. While often considered a “universal religion”, the way in which Christianity is interpreted and practiced varies dramatically among different peoples and cultures. Religion is deeply rooted in the soil in which it is planted—people understand any sort of spirituality through their own cultural, social, and nationalistic lenses. The fact that the Akha can absorb a foreign religion and make sense of it within their distinct socio-cultural milieu is fascinating indeed. It is worthwhile to examine the characteristics that distinguish “Akha Christianity” from Christianity as it appears in other cultures and geographic regions. Religious identity is inextricably intertwined with the multitude of other factors that construct selfhood. Therefore, the way in which religion manifests may be radically distinct based on cultural, social, and geographic context.

Upon examining the Akha-language New Testament, one can see that the Christian narrative has assumed significance unique to the Akha people in very particular ways. Kammerer discusses how in Matthew 11:28, “Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest” is translated into the Akha language as “All people tired from carrying the heavy load on their backs, come to my dwelling place. I will give you rest” (323). The significance of this lies in the choice of verbs, as ‘to carry a heavy load’ is reminiscent of carrying baskets on ones back—a common source of labor for the Akha. Carrying a basket is also a metaphor for carrying customs and traditions, as reflected by the Akha story regarding the origin of zah. Thus, when Jesus states “Take my yoke upon you . . . and ye shall find rest unto your souls. For my yoke [is] easy, and my burden is light” in Matthew 11:29-30, this is effectively understood as abandonment of traditional zah in favor of Christianity (329). This provides an example of an instance in which Akha myths and cultural narratives have been assimilated into Christian Scripture. It is a natural occurrence that human beings will bring their values, worldviews, and even their cultural mythologies into any belief system that they adopt.

The understanding of zah, while similar to the conventional concept of religion, does in fact differ in that faith is not a central component. For the Akha, zah refers to rituals, practices, liturgy, and forms—what one might call the visible manifestations of religiosity. A dimension of belief or faith is not a characteristic of zah as traditionally defined. Kammerer points out how Christian ceremonial practices assume different meanings for Akha Christians. She writes, “for an Akha Christian convert to consider communion or baptism solely as ritual action is orthodox from the perspective of traditional religion, even though it is unorthodox from the perspective of Protestantism” (288). Indeed, this is logical for the Akha who emphasize adherence to customs rather than faith. Religion could be described as a set of symbols and metaphors that functions as a vehicle to express the inner dimensions of spirituality. Akha Christianity is unique in that it is the forms and customs themselves that are valued rather than the spiritual disposition of the individual.

The inherent character of the Christian religion is qualitatively different from the cultural relativist approach of the Akha. Platz points out one such characteristic, stating, “monistic religions like Christianity and Islam tend to polarize and proselytize” (481). The fact that Christianity claims to be “the one true religion” could certainly result in feelings of superiority, pride, or defensiveness (Kammerer 286). It is not surprising that schisms could ensue from this dynamic. Akha Christians have been known to adopt attitudes similar to missionaries and evangelists, viewing other religions as inferior or even evil. Kammerer explains that missionaries and Akha Christians often hold the view that spirit worshippers live in fear, and consider their spirits to be demonic (330). She summarizes the relationship between Akha Christians and traditionalists by stating, “Though frictions persist, numerous economic and political forces encourage friendly relations among Akha adherents of traditional, Protestant, and Catholic zah" (331). It is important not to overstate the degree of antagonism between these two groups, yet it is apparent that tension does prevail in this relationship.

The fascinating interplay of religious change is a vital phenomenon to study and understand. As Christianity rapidly expands among very diverse populations worldwide, many questions, concerns, and issues inevitably arise. Examining the impact of Christian missionization clearly reveals the utter complexity and diversity that it entails. There is no single approach or reaction to proselytization, conversion, or inter-religious contact; the nature of these affairs is largely dependent on the cultures that are involved. The Akha encounter with Christianity merely demonstrates one particular experience within a vast spectrum of possibilities. Regardless, understanding the experience of the Akha contributes to a deeper understanding of religion and culture overall.