The Easter Rising: An Instigation of Irish Revolutionary Nationalism

To what extent was the Easter Rising the most important turning point in the development of Irish revolutionary nationalism in the period 1798-1921?

2016 sees the 100th anniversary of the Easter Rising, news of commemorations litter the Irish press, and events championing “Irishness” are advertised across the British Isles. This is clearly no ordinary commemoration; there is a feeling of pride and remembrance for those who died, but what is most prevalent is the rebellious sentiment resonating throughout Ireland. It seems baffling to an outsider why such a pathetic and misfired attempt at a coup in 1916 should be espoused as a defining nationalist moment in Irish history, but this is not merely a conventional remembrance service, this is a declaration of martyrdom, of insurrection against the supposed brutality of the colonial English in both their treatment of the revolutionaries, and for past political crimes against the impoverished Irish. It is for this reason that this event can be seen as the key turning point; nothing else in Irish history seems to hold the same emotional appeal. Revolutionary nationalism subsists on an emotional connection to the cause and while the 1798 rebellion and the Fenian movement were far more successful objectively, neither hold the fervent grandeur that the Easter Rising exudes. It is this that makes it the key turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism.

To discuss events in relation to the growth of revolutionary nationalism, one must first define what exactly makes a type of nationalism “revolutionary”. Does violence need to be condoned or is it something more nuanced? Googling “revolutionary” presents us with a definition that it is merely a movement advocating involvement or cause for a “complete or dramatic change”. This presents a further ambiguity as “change” is very relative; Ireland was constantly adjusting during this period, evolving from a practically barbarous English colony to a self-governing, culturally significant country, with its own culture, laws, and traditions. For the purposes of this essay, revolutionary nationalism will be referred to synonymously with the definition laid on by the Italian politician Mazzini, that revolutionary nationalism is the work of a principle which has been accepted as a basis of faith. Whether it invokes nationality, liberty, equality, or religion, it always fulfills itself in the name of a principle, that is to say, of a great truth, which being recognized and approved by the majority of the inhabitants of a country, constitutes a common belief, and sets before the masses a new aim, while authority misrepresents or rejects it. While this definition was written within the context of the attempted Italian revolution, it can easily be applied to the Irish question, where indeed the nationalism displayed was formed and moulded by a xenophobic overlord, zealous piety and deep feeling of injustice, whether that stemmed from the treatment of the Irish by the British or the deep religious divisions running through the country. Mazzini’s definition seems the most apt so I will be assessing the escalation of revolutionary nationalism on these terms, ones in which the Easter Rising seems to fall very well under.

For such a momentous event in hindsight, the Easter Rising of 1916 began with next to no support. Of the 13,000 Irish Volunteers not conscripted into the British Army, the Rising was only planned by 16 men, with the leader of the volunteers Eoin MacNeill oblivious to its forethought. This was fundamentally a grassroots rebellion, led by a very small group of radicals, and its short-term success reflected this; the rebellion was crushed within a matter of days. However, it is perhaps this very reason that it is now a revered part of Irish history, a true underdog story. Throughout history Irish propaganda has always portrayed its folk as the small power, fighting the tyranny of its oppressors; Michael Collins famously shouted from his lectern “An lamb a bheir, ‘s i a gheibh”, which roughly translates to “the hand that gives is the hand that gets” (in regards to British influence over Ireland). While at the beginning of the Rising most of Ireland did not offer his support, which, by Mazzini’s definition, means there was not a significant growth of revolutionary nationalism, one must address what effect the heavy-handed British may have had in dealing with the event. It must be noted that this was a story of 16 Irish men fighting against their perceived enemy for freedom and dealt with swiftly and ruthlessly (all but one were dead within 2 weeks, executed after surrendering). Whether their fundamental principles were supported around the country is beside the point. No Irishman could stand by while their fellows were dealt with in such a seemingly cruel way and this is where the development of revolutionary nationalism lay. Mazzini’s definition fits, indeed the authority does ruthlessly reject their cause, and in doing so starts to create a great cause for the Irish, a principle that more and more people began to get behind. When the British thought they were dealing with the rebels with efficiency, they were instead creating some of the most powerful martyrs in Irish history, ones that arguably were the reason behind the formation of the IRA, the biggest threat to Britain ever posed by the Irish and the talisman of revolutionary nationalism. While the reasoning posed so far seems fairly convincing, a critic may claim that it is merely circumstantial, but we must not forget that there is also hard evidence to suggest that the Rising had a substantial effect on Irish politics. Combined with other factors, such as the continued postponement of Home Rule, the growing casualties of the First World War and the threat of conscription, the Rising and its repression helped to increase the strength of the radical nationalists in Sinn Fein. This party, which had not participated in the rebellion, was adopted as a vehicle by the veterans of the Rising and pledged to withdraw from the Westminster Parliament and set up an Irish one. Sinn Fein went on to win three by-elections in 1917 and a general election in 1918, leading to their proclamation of an Irish Republic in January 1919 and the start of the Irish War of Independence.

There were, of course, other key developments in revolutionary nationalism in Ireland during this period, but what differentiates them from the the Easter Rising is the marginal difference before and after these movements sprung up. The Fenian movement is widely considered to have stemmed from the poor handling of the Great Famine of 1845 on the part of the English government. Opinions on this differ considerably, with much historiography acknowledging the incompetence of the government but accepting an innocent motive to the event. However, a small group of more revisionist historians boldly claim that this event was a calmly calculated “act of genocide”. Regardless of who you believe, it is clear that many Irishmen would have viewed the British with far from favourable eyes. This, therefore, would suggest that the Famine was hardly a great turning point in the growth of revolutionary nationalism, if only mild anger and disdain were felt by the generations spanning the event then it can hardly be described as a key turning point; merely a cataclysmic event that helped fuel the growth of revolutionary nationalism, through the genesis of groups such as the Fenians and subsequent small acts of rebellion, orchestrated by those angry with the deaths of so many of their fellow countrymen.

While there had been small pockets of Ireland that had experience attempted revolts and coups in the early 19th century, the Fenians constituted the first real organised group with revolutionary intent, but to say they represented a key turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism is an overstatement. Many historians contest even their existence and as a single group, as “Fenians” was adopted by many as simply an umbrella term to describe any revolutionary groups at the time. Indeed the name itself was adopted by an ex-member of the failed Young Ireland movement, John O’Mahoney, and the other proclaimed leader of the movement, James Stephens was also the founder of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, another group whose aim was independence. With so many appearingly identical groups springing up around the same groups of people, it would be an easy conclusion to make that the Fenians were not an exclusive group, but merely a collective organisation, designed to make propaganda and identity easier. Their role in the growth of revolutionary nationalism is also somewhat undermined by their inability to achieve anything substantial. O’Mahony and Stephens disagreed on how the movement should develop. Stephens wanted the movement in the public eye, but O’Mahony did not agree; he preferred the movement to develop in secrecy. They were also not supported by the Catholic Church, further undermining any reputation they may have established. Their newspaper, the “Irish People” was shut down and Stephens was arrested and imprisoned. They were eventually somewhat replaced by a group called “The Invincibles” bringing an end to a short and somewhat unsuccessful tenure. Although they were indeed the first real organized group of revolutionaries (the pitiful “Young Ireland” movement aside), their lack of achievement and support from much of the country severely limits any claim they may have to being the key turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism. Yes indeed the Easter Rising was unsuccessful and unsupported by most of Ireland, but the sentiment and martyrs it created give it a far more revered status in Irish history. When assessing the two events one need not look further afield than 2016. While banners line the streets with commemorations of the Easter Rising, one can notice the glaring omission. For where is our commemoration to those who died fighting under the Fenian banner? Sentiment is the lifeblood of a revolution, look at how Trump got to power (“Make America Great Again”) and the UK voted for Brexit (“Take Back Control”). No one in the modern day applauds the work of the Fenians, they look instead to the sacrifice of the 16 leaders of the Easter Rising, who died to the cruel, tyrannical hand of their British oppressors. This is what feeds revolutionary nationalism, and the Easter Rising, with all its accompanying sentiment, therefore provides a key turning point in its development.

While events such as the Famine constituted a growth in revolutionary nationalism, they did not constitute a turning point; a yearning for independence existed previously and thereafter. The Easter Rising was the genesis of a vehement anti-English sentiment, caused by the mistreatment of the imprisoned rebels after the revolt. In spite of the inequitable centuries as a British colony, before this event feeling was merely that Ireland deserved its own governance, that it had outgrown its position as “England’s farm” and now wanted more suitable representation for its nuanced cultures and ideas. The Easter Rising mutated this feeling into something far more aggressive, far more “revolutionary”. England was now not just strict colonialists in the eyes of the Irish, they were tyrants, cruel and punishing. This saw a marked change in Irish tactics, with more effort poured into antagonising the British, whether that be through the boycotting of Parliament by Sinn Fein or the direct targeting of British lives through devastating IRA bomb attacks that littered the 20th century. This represented a key turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism, as there is a clear disparity before and after, something that groups such as the Fenians or an event such as the Famine failed to achieve in its tenure.

Resistance to British rule was not isolated to the 19th and 20th centuries, derision did exist long before that, with the most notable accumulation of such feeling being the Irish Rebellion of 1798. This could indeed be considered a significant turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism. Indeed this fueled the sort of yearning for a cause misrepresented by authority that Mazzini puts forward and provided the Irish with an obvious enemy in Britain for the way they treated the captured rebels and Irish civilians. In comparison to the Easter Rising, the 1798 rebellion had a much more substantial backing, with the Society of United Irishmen (those primarily behind the revolt) containing more than 200,000 members by the end of 1897. This, paired with the continued French support, who wanted to assert their authority over their neighbours, gave the rebellion a significant standing as a major uprising. As previously defined, in order for an event to be considered a turning point, there must be some disparity between feeling or circumstance before and after the event took place. This is definitely true in the Irish Rebellion, as the British looked to stamp down on revolutionary nationalism, whether through harsh penal measures or the Act of Union in 1800. What made the Irish Rebellion particularly important was that it represented a coming together of social and religious sects previously at odds with each other. The Society of United Irishmen contained a melting pot of Catholics, Methodists, Presbyterians and even some members of the Protestant ascendancy. This unification of the Irish against a common enemy represented a turning point in Irish nationalist policy, for now any internal conflict appeared secondary to the ultimate goal of independence; this development of unity is an incredibly important turning point in the growth of revolutionary nationalism in this period. Of course the Catholic and Protestant population still quarreled virulently throughout this period but the unity that the 1798 rebellion showed was only matched by the aftermath of the Easter Rising, where the entire Irish population came together to condemn the vicious suppression of the revolutionary activity by the British ruling classes. It is to be debated whether the motives of the 1798 uprising where particularly revolutionary however; the Society of United Irishmen pushed for reform to some government policy, with the emancipation of Catholics particularly prevalent in their political ideology. While this of course advocates a substantial change in Irish Policy, their approach was very much reformative, something that contradicts Mazzini’s definition of revolutionary nationalism, which sets about the need for an entirely new aim, a complete overthrow of current governance. 1798 saw a huge amount of bloodshed, with deaths of rebels numbering in the 1000s. This was not the first time that Irish rebels had to be brutally pacified; Cromwell’s governance in the 17th century witnessed the deaths of hundreds of patriotic Irishmen, fixated on their nationalist pride. However this was the first time state-run terror had been employed in Ireland, with rebels burned alive in the massacres at New Ross and Enniscorthy. Many non-combatant civilians were also murdered by the military, and incidents of rape were reported across the country. History has shown that much of the most fervent revolutionary nationalism is born out of unbelievable hardship, the Famine of the 1850s another example. It is true to say that the 1798 rebellion is no exception to this rule, but this was merely an acceleration of revolutionary nationalism, not a turning point in its inception. After the Easter Rising however, Ireland saw a significant change in nationalist tactics, with the approach focusing more on raising awareness for their cause through terror, a fairly new concept among revolutionary groups, a marked turning point in the development of such revolutionary nationalism. The work of the IRA from 1920 showcased this change, with its self-proclaimed 70,000 members (though only about 3000 were actively fighting) setting ambushes and booby traps for the Royal Irish Constabulary to stumble into. The Soloheadbeg Ambush in 1919 resulted in the death of two RIC constables when members of the Third Tipperary Brigade seized a quantity of gelignite, sparking the move into the use of explosives in mainstream terror. This growth is guerilla tactics was heavily influenced by the rise of Sinn Fein in 1918, who openly advocated the use of violence against the English colonisers and whose rise to power can be reasonably owed to the anger at the treatment of the parties involved in the Easter Rising. Sinn Fein still are a powerful Irish presence to this day, and still use the Easter Rising as a monumental day in their view of Irish nationalist history and a key propaganda tool when trying to evoke a strong feeling of Irishness and insurrection against their supposed oppressors.

If one were to describe an event as a turning point, there must be a permanent change before and after the occurrence. This is the crux of the argument; the Easter Rising triggered an indefinite change in opinion and revolutionary nationalism, something which the famine, the Fenian movement, the Irish Rebellion and the Young Ireland campaign failed to do. While these other events did indeed provide a key leverage for the nationalist movement in Ireland, with the 1798 rebellion used somewhat as a talisman of revolutionary nationalism, nothing much was achieved politically in the wake of these events. Ireland remained a puppet state, completely dependent on the British (as the famine of the 1840s showed). The Easter Rising, while on the surface appeared as a failed revolution, actually could be said to have achieved serious political gain. The Government of Ireland Act of 1920 gave Ireland the (somewhat) independence the rebels fought so bravely for. No other revolutionary activity resulted in such a coherent political gain and is therefore the key turning point. Revolutionary nationalism from then on could adopt the Easter rebels as martyrs, as talismans of insurrection. This was shown through the genesis of serious revolutionary groups like the IRA, ones that posed a genuine threat to British society and thus developed Irish revolutionary nationalism significantly. While the Easter Rising was in some ways another failed coup, the after-effects were groundbreaking. No other case of revolutionary nationalism in Irish history contains so much emotional appeal than the Easter Rising and the fact that it can be credited in the rise of Sinn Fein and the subsequent Government of Ireland Act gives it enormous political significance. It can therefore be concluded that this such event was the most important turning point in the development of revolutionary nationalism in Ireland.