Aims of the Adult Protection Social Practice in the UK

According to the NHS Kings College Hospital it defines safeguarding as protecting individual’s health and wellbeing and the human’s rights to ensure them to live free from any type of harm, neglect and abuse. Those most in need of protection include: children and young people adults, such as those receiving care in their own home, people with physical, sensory and mental impairments, and those with learning disabilities, (Brighton, 2018).

Adult protection has become a key focus of national policy and social work practice in England over the last decade. In good part this represents concern about the extent of abuse perpetrated against vulnerable adults, particularly older people and adults with a learning disability (Hadwin,2009).

Despite a recent national study knowledge about the nature of elder abuse and effective adult protection responses by local administrations remains limited (O’Keeffe et al., 2007). Key lessons for agencies charged with protecting older people from abuse and the management of data about vulnerability and risk are identified, alongside pointers for developing protective systems in the European context.

Safeguarding adults is all about obeying certain guidelines and procedures and working together with the multidisciplinary team in practice and community settings and respond, responding and preventing to allegations of either abuse, negligence or harm for people at danger. People who are living in care homes or individuals with little family support are the people who need safeguarding support, (Hadwin,2009). Safeguarding ensures that the security of a person is endorsed considering the persons’ requirements and believes regarded they have the capacity. People who is at risk of any type of abuse are protected, which is why safeguarding is in place, (Reece, 2010).

Over the past century, adult protection has become a focus of England's domestic policy and social work practices. This is largely concerned about the extent of abuse of vulnerable adults, especially elderly people and adults with learning disabilities (Cambridge et al., 2010). Despite latest domestic research understanding of the nature of the abuse of the elderly and efficient reactions to adult protection by local authorities continues restricted (O'Keeffe et al., 2007).

Policy Context Adult protection policies and processes in England (No Secrets Department of Health, 2000; 2009) and locally in Bolton (McKeough, 2009) constitute a risk management scheme perpetrated against vulnerable individuals, sometimes referred to as safeguarding in the UK context.

Policy defines a vulnerable adult as an individual who is' unable to take care of himself or herself due to mental or other impairment, age or disease, or unable to safeguard him or herself from harm or exploitation (Health Department, 2000, p. 9). However, vulnerability is commonly regarded as a product of a circumstance or connection as it is an individual's feature per se (Manthorpe et al., 2005). Elder abuse is described as a single or repeated act or absence of suitable action in any relationship where there is a trust expectation that causes damage or distress to the elderly (House of Commons Select Committee, 2004, p. 12). Abuse can take many forms, including physical, sexual, psychological, economic, discrimination and constant negligence, and can occur in hospitals and day care settings, care homes, community persons own house and family environments (World Health Organization, 2002; Age UK, 2010).

Although there is no specific adult protection legislation in England and Wales, (the Department of Health, 2000) provided guidance to social service departments in the policy document No Secrets, issued in 2000. Its primary aim was to ensure that local agencies particularly but not solely social services, health authorities and the police work together to protect vulnerable adults from abuse. National responses to elder abuse and mistreatment vary considerably across Europe; they are at different stages of formulation and implementation (Penhale, 2006). It is, however, widely recognised by policymakers that more attention needs to be given to elder abuse both inside and outside the care system (Sethi et al., 2011). Strengthening the evidence base would make a key contribution to improving policy and practice responses.

Several global sources provide estimates of the incidence and prevalence of elder abuse. In the USA, Canada and Europe, randomized community-based epidemiological surveys reported annual levels of between 2% and 4%. A latest representative study in the UK proposed that 2.6% of individuals aged 66 or over in the society have been' mistreated' over the previous year by a family member, friend or care worker, rising to 4% if neighbors and acquaintances are included (O'Keeffe et al., 2007); this mirrors evidence from previous work (Shugarman et al., 2003).

Evidence also indicates that 1.1% of elderly individuals are overlooked, 0.7% experience economic abuse, 0.4% psychological abuse, 0.4% physical abuse and 0.25% sexual abuse, with a prior research identifying as victims of physical or economic abuse up to 2% of elderly individuals (Ogg & Bennett, 1992). Recent World Health Organization proof indicates that every year four million elderly people in Europe experience violence or maltreatment (Sethi et al., 2011). Recent evidence from the World Health Organisation suggests that four million older people in Europe experience abuse or mistreatment every year (Sethi et al., 2011).