A Scandal In France
In the recent days, France is shaken by a scandal that is being portrayed by the French media as a state affair. The scandal erupted after a video was published by Le Monde on July 18th showing a man posing as a member of the French riot police, and assaulting two protesters on Place de la Contrescarpe in Paris, on May 1st during the Labour Day rally.
The man in question was in fact not a policeman; he was Alexandre Benalla, President Macron’s security aide and deputy chief of staff. When the Elysée Palace heard about the incident the next day, they kept it quiet instead of starting a police investigation, prompting accusations of a cover-up. Few days after the scandal erupted in the media, three investigations were initiated: one by the police inspector general, one by the justice department and another by a parliamentary commission.
The investigations however did not quiet the opposition claiming that the President had double standards, while the President’s party has claimed that the affair is blown out of proportion. One could make the argument that it is indeed blown out of proportion. After all it is a case of a Presidential aide who made a professional mistake by going beyond his duties, and allegedly assaulting two protesters. There should be an investigation, and there should be consequences for him. French media are portraying the scandal as President Macron’s state affair by making comparison with past France state affairs, including De Gaulle, Mitterrand and Sarkozy.
When de Gaulle came to power, there was an overall “suspicion”, “tense” climate, and a terrorist threat situation with the OAS (Secret Army Organization, a dissident paramilitary organization during the Algerian War). De Gaulle’s closest advisor Jacques Foccart (also known as Mister Franceafrique) instigates him to create the Civic Action Service (SAC) in order to ensure the security of the general and the meetings of his party, the UNR. The association’s power increased to became over time a parallel police. With about 3000 members in the mid-sixties, it became essentially the security service of the Gaullist party, with anti-communist security missions, intelligence against General de Gaulle’s opponents, and secret and extrajudicial special operations. It recruited a lot in the police and the gendarmerie, but also in former resistance fighters.
One of its leaders was Charles Pasqua later became the French Interior Minister. Its violent methods have often been controversial, including the involvement of some of its alleged members in the abduction of Moroccan opposition leader Mehdi Ben Barka in 1965. The SAC was also involved in many abuses; more than 200 members of its members have been cited in police reports for weapons, alcohol, drugs and fake documents trafficking. It was not until the summer of 1981, after the Auriol massacre, a series of assassinations between SAC members that President François Mitterrand dissolved the SAC in August 1982.
On 3 December 1973, two journalists from the French newspaper Canard Enchainé surprised two “plumbers” in their offices, busy with work. The plumbers were in fact DST –France’s internal security intelligence agency who had a similar role to the FBI- agents setting up microphones in the offices in order to identify the people communicating sensitive information to the Canard Enchainé. Despite irrefutable evidence, such as clumsily camouflaged license plates on plumbers’ vehicles that prove they are part of the police force, DST denied the facts. A trial was opened, which prove the French newspaper to be right. Two and a half months after the events, Prime Minister Pierre Messmer and President George Pompidou replaced Raymond Marcellin, Minister of the Interior (responsible for the DST) with Jacques Chirac who was Minister of Agriculture. Jacques Chirac’s arrival at the Ministry of the Interior had a pivotal effect on the election of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing as President, after the death of Georges Pompidou on 2 April 1974. The administration of the Canard Enchainé left a commemorative plaque in its premises where the officers had pierced a wall to install their equipment.
After the 1982 terrorist attacks at rue les Rosiers in Paris, French President François Mitterrand set up a cell at the Elysée in order to fight terrorism. The cell was led by the former GIGN (French special forces) founder Mr. Christian Prouteau, and was also supervised by the President’s advisor on intelligence Mr. Gilles Ménage. For 6 years, the cell tracked down right-wing terrorists and extremists, but also behaved like a real private police force of the President. It wiretapped journalists, personalities and political rivals. In total, the cell targeted more than 1,300 people.
The journalist Edwy Plenel of Le Monde, who revealed the Greenpeace affair and the role of DGSE in the sinking of the Raimbow Warrior, was wiretapped. The telephone lines of writer and polemicist Jean-Edern Hallier, who knew about the President’s double life and threatened to reveal in a book the existence of his hidden daughter, Mazarine, was also wiretapped. The actress Carole Bouquet was under surveillance because of her ties with the Algerian President Chadli Bendjedid.
On 28 August 1982, three activists suspected of belonging to an Irish terrorist organization were arrested at the initiative of the GIGN in an apartment in Vincennes. Weapons, explosives and compromising documents are discovered in the apartment. It later turned out that the gendarmes themselves had brought explosives into Vincennes’ apartment to setup the Irish activists. After nine months of detention, the “Irish of Vincennes” were finally released at the end of May 1983.
The scandal was revealed by French newspaper Libération in 1993, while François Mitterrand was still in power, leading in the years that followed to a series of indictments and revelations, including the direct involvement of the President of the Republic. Interviewed in 1993, François Mitterrand denies the facts, gets angry, and ends the interview (video here). The case was finally closed in 2008, when the Court de Cassation upheld the sentences of seven defendants, including Prouteau himself, who received an eight-month suspended sentence for “invasion of the privacy”.
When President Jacques Chirac was in office from 1995 to 2007, there were persistent rumors of wrongdoing related to illegal political party financing and fraud. He was however immune from prosecution as President. Chirac paid members of his RPR party for local council jobs that did not exist, when he was a Paris mayor between 1977-1995. He diverted city money to benefit his political party and reward supporters.
In September 2010, Le Monde revealed that Nanterre public prosecutor obtained the telephone details of two journalists who were investigating the Bettencourt case, in which Nicolas Sarkozy was involved. A few months later, Le Canard Enchaîné claimed that Nicolas Sarkozy was personally supervising the surveillance of certain journalists covering cases harmful to him. The newspaper mentioned anonymous sources within the DCRI (French domestic intelligence agency) who reveal the existence of a group of several former intelligence officers who are performing surveillance. Nicolas Sarkozy was also suspected of having financed his 2007 campaign with funds from Libyan Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. Since 2013, Paris public prosecutors have been investigating charges of “influence peddling”, “active and passive corruption”, and “forgery”.
A businessman named Ziad Takieddine and former Libyan dignitaries revealed that Nicolas Sarkozy and the former secretary general of the Elysée Claude Guéant were directly involved in receiving cash from Gaddafi. Mr. Takieddine claimed that he was the intermediary, and transported 5,000,000 Euros in cash to Nicolas Sarkozy, then Minister of Interior.
Budget Minister under President François Hollande, Jérôme Cahuzac resigned in March 2013 after being accused of tax evasion, while being the Minister in charge of fighting tax fraud. He was expelled from the Socialist Party, prosecuted for incomplete or false declaration of assets, and was sentenced to three years in prison in December 2016.
While those are true and genuine state affairs, Benalla’s case is of a completely different order of magnitude than the law-breaking wiretappings, secrets organizations or fraud cases we’ve seen under the V Republic. In François Mitterrand’s case, the President personally ordered the wiretaps to spy on his rivals. In De Gaulle’s case, the SAC was an organization closely linked to a party, and much more structured. At the present moment, there is no evidence suggesting that Emmanuel Macron ordered his security aide to assault protesters. In fact, it is very likely that Alexandre Benalla was someone who assaulted the demonstrators for personal and vanity reasons. De Gaulle, Mitterrand, Chirac, Sarkozy cases are very different from Macron’s case.
The scandal for Macron is how the Elysée handled the Benalla’s case by covering up the crime after the fact. Macron built his legitimacy on morally regenerating the exercise of power in France. Benalla’s affair shows how amateur and informal things were in Macron’s closest aides. This was surely a popular disappointment and disenchantment, which the French media is exaggerating. If, in the course of the ongoing investigations, a security chain of command is discovered which is above the rule of law in a systemic way, this could create a true State affair.
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